785.383.9994
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time kills deals
It positions itself as “one dashboard that runs the busywork” so a single operator (or small business) can offload posts, emails, research, follow-ups, and repetitive workflows while focusing on higher-value work.
The main offering is a chat-first AI assistant that acts rather than just answers. You describe tasks in plain English; it writes content, posts to socials, sends emails, researches, builds custom tools, and runs scheduled automations. Key pieces include:
The interface is framed as a single calm screen covering chat, connections, tools, automations, and goals.
| Plan | Monthly | Key Limits | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Pro | $20 | 3 concurrent chats, 150 AI runs, 5 automations, 5 apps | Entry point |
| Business | $50 | 10 chats, 1,000 runs, 25 automations, unlimited apps + custom connections | Most popular |
| Enterprise | $100 | Unlimited, priority support, team features coming | Highest throughput |
20% off annual. No long lock-in; upgrades immediate, downgrades at period end. Custom work starts with a $200 diagnostic that produces a fixed quote within 48 hours. Quoted tiers range from small automations/integrations ($1.2k–$3k) up through multi-system builds ($3k–$10k), complex/IoT/full platforms ($10k–$50k+), and larger enterprise engagements ($75k–$1M+).
Beyond the SaaS product they offer consulting and builds for:
Process is diagnostic → fixed-price proposal → build/deploy → optional maintenance retainer.
Run by one founder: Colter Grant Robinson (also listed as Colter Robinson). He is an independent game developer who built and published Metamancer, a procedural-generation roguelike (fully procedural sprites, maps, items, factions). It launched in Steam Early Access in August 2025 and reached full 1.0 around July 2026. The company leans hard into the “built in Topeka, KS / run by one founder / local and accountable” positioning.
X account (@DvelopAI) was created in March 2026 (still very low follower count). The website and content cadence ramped up mid-2026. Blog posts are frequent (AI news briefs, how-to guides, local Topeka/Kansas AI scene coverage) and often self-attributed as “written, illustrated, and published by Dvelop AI.” Recent example (Aug 6, 2026): a guide to Topeka/Kansas AI events and resources (Heartland AI Symposium at K-State, library workshops, TIBA sessions, KC AI Club, etc.), with a soft product plug.
Strengths: Clear, low-friction pricing; strong no-code + action-oriented positioning; demonstrated solo software-building capability via the game; genuine local Topeka angle; security and data-control language that addresses common buyer concerns; content engine that keeps the site active.
Limitations / risks (as of August 2026): Extremely early stage with minimal public social proof, testimonials, or case studies. One-person operation means support and capacity are inherently limited. Blog volume is high but much of it is broader AI news synthesis. Real-world reliability, uptime, and edge-case handling of complex multi-app automations are not yet widely validated publicly.
Local relevance: For someone operating in Topeka real estate, content creation, deal flow, or advocacy, the combination of social/email automation, research assistance, goal tracking, and custom workflow builds is potentially useful. The founder’s presence in the same city and the company’s active coverage of the local AI ecosystem make it easier to evaluate in person than a remote SaaS tool.
Overall, this is a young, tightly focused, founder-led AI automation product + services shop rooted in Topeka. It is still in the “prove the model and grow from a local base” phase rather than a scaled platform. Worth a hands-on trial of the Pro tier or a $200 diagnostic conversation if the busywork automation use case fits.
A Few Thoughts After the Primary
I watched the returns the other night and I’ll be honest — I was a little surprised Curt Skoog didn’t do better on the Democratic side. He’s been mayor of Overland Park a good while and I figured he’d pull more votes than he did. Instead, Cindy Holscher from Overland Park came out on top. She’s the one staring us in the face now for November.
Ty Masterson won the Republican primary. It is what it is. I was a Philip Sarnecki supporter and I still am. Philip ran a strong race as a businessman and outsider who understands how to build something and make it work. A lot of good people backed him for the same reasons I did.
What would help Ty the most right now is simple: reach out to Philip today. Not next week. Today. Ask for his help — not just in winning the governor’s race, but ask him to take the Department of Administration if Ty wins. That job is about running the day-to-day machinery of state government. Philip has built companies that employ hundreds of people, managed big operations, and focused on results instead of politics. Putting someone with that kind of experience in charge of how the state spends money, buys things, and manages its own house would send a clear message.
It would also bring people together. Primary fights leave bruises. Reaching out to Philip and offering him a real seat at the table would tell the folks who voted for him that their voice still matters. It would show conservatives across Kansas that this campaign is serious about cleaning up waste, getting value for every tax dollar, and putting competent people in charge instead of the usual revolving door. That kind of unity and seriousness can tip the scales when you’re up against a well-funded Democrat from Johnson County who will run hard until the end.
Ty has the nomination. Now it’s about winning the state. Calling Philip today and making that offer would be a smart, strong move. I hope he does it.
Henry McClure Topeka
Cindy Holscher, a Kansas state senator from the Overland Park/Johnson County area (District 8).
This is her whole deal -
She won the Democratic primary on August 4, 2026, with roughly 48–49% of the vote, defeating fellow state Sen. Ethan Corson (who had outgoing Gov. Laura Kelly’s endorsement) and Overland Park Mayor Curt Skoog. She will face Republican Senate President Ty Masterson in the November general election.
Holscher (born 1969 in Slater, Missouri; full name Cynthia L. Holscher, née Blumhorst) comes from a working-class farm family—her father was a union construction worker and her mother a school custodian/bus driver. She is a first-generation college graduate (University of Missouri, degrees in journalism and political science). She and her husband Greg have lived in Kansas for over 25 years; their three children attended public schools. She previously worked in marketing/operations at Sprint (including large budgets) before entering politics.
She first ran for the Kansas House in 2016 (winning a Republican-held seat), motivated by opposition to then-Gov. Sam Brownback’s tax cuts and school funding cuts. She co-founded a bipartisan women’s caucus, helped reverse some of those policies, and later won a competitive Senate race in 2020 in a Republican-leaning district. She has served as Senate Minority Whip and sits on committees including Public Health and Welfare and Government Efficiency.
Her campaign emphasizes “kitchen table” affordability issues, public education funding, and standing up for working families against corporate interests and special deals. Key stances include:
She presents herself as a bipartisan problem-solver who can win in red-leaning areas and as more anti-establishment/populist than the Kelly-backed alternative. She has highlighted her farm/union/military family roots and record of passing bills (e.g., protections related to domestic abuse survivors, Purple Alert for missing adults with disabilities).
That depends on the perspective. Holscher and supporters describe her priorities (Medicaid expansion, higher minimum wage, cannabis legalization, data-center limits, school funding) as mainstream Kansas positions with broad public support. During the primary, Gov. Kelly and some allies portrayed her as too far left or “extremist” relative to a more moderate path, arguing it could hurt electability in a general election; Republicans have amplified similar attacks, tying her to progressive priorities on education, taxes, and social issues.
Conservative scorecards rate her poorly (low single-digit to teens percentages on limited-government/free-market measures), reflecting consistent opposition to many Republican priorities on taxes, education choice, parental-rights bills, and related matters. She has a strong progressive tilt on abortion, LGBTQ-related issues in some votes, and worker protections, while emphasizing fiscal recovery from the Brownback era and practical affordability. Nothing in major reporting depicts fringe conspiracy theories or highly idiosyncratic radicalism; the “wild” label is mostly partisan framing around standard left-of-center Democratic positions in a red state.
In short, she is a relatively progressive Johnson County Democrat with a working-class background who beat the establishment favorite in the primary by running against corporate giveaways and for kitchen-table issues. Her general-election viability will hinge on whether those positions play as pragmatic or as too left for broader Kansas voters.