Friday, March 20, 2026

Fw: https://youtu.be/jQyYAgsNsWw



From: Henry McClure <mcre13@gmail.com>
Sent: Friday, March 20, 2026 11:07 PM
To: Charles Baylor <cbaylor1@hotmail.com>
Subject: https://youtu.be/jQyYAgsNsWw


Here's a professional, articulate draft letter based on the key points from your video transcript. I've written it as a formal letter (e.g., to the editor of a local newspaper like the Topeka Capital-Journal, or to city/county officials, or as an open letter to the community). It captures your concerns about transparency, public involvement, the MTPO's history and dissolution issues, the Huntoon Street project (correcting "Hunton"/"Untoune" to the standard spelling "Huntoon" based on public records), Bartlett & West's role and fees, the unbuilt Elevation Parkway, accountability in spending sales tax funds, and criticisms of current leadership like Mayor Spencer Duncan and others.

You can customize the recipient, tone, or details as needed.

**Draft Letter**

[Your Name]  
Henry McClure  
[Your Address]  
Topeka, KS [ZIP Code]  
[Your Email/Phone]  
[Date]

To the Editor,  
Topeka Capital-Journal  
(or: Mayor Spencer Duncan and Topeka City Council / Shawnee County Commission / Metropolitan Topeka Planning Organization)

Subject: Urgent Call for Greater Transparency, Public Involvement, and Accountability in Topeka's Transportation Planning and Infrastructure Spending

Dear Editor / Mayor Duncan / Commissioners,

I am writing as a concerned lifelong resident and taxpayer of Topeka to highlight serious ongoing issues with our local government's handling of transportation projects, public funds, and federal compliance—issues that undermine community trust and fair allocation of resources.

The core of the problem traces back to the disbanding of the original Metropolitan Planning Organization (MPO) under former leadership, including actions associated with Vic Miller during his time in local roles. This led to the creation of separate planning commissions and the rebranding to the Metropolitan Topeka Planning Organization (MTPO). The original MPO was dissolved precisely because, for the first time, it was adhering strictly to federal guidelines by prioritizing meaningful public involvement, reviewing Capital Improvement Programs (CIPs) from the City and County, and ensuring federal transportation funds were distributed equitably based on community input.

Under the old system, entities submitted their CIPs, the MPO reviewed them, public engagement occurred, and residents had real say in project priorities and funding. This promoted fairness and accountability. Tragically, that level of transparency and community voice has been largely lost, contributing to today's shortfalls in promised road improvements funded by sales taxes and questionable project selections.

A prime example is the ongoing Huntoon Street Reconstruction Project, managed by Bartlett & West. While infrastructure improvements are needed, this project appears to lack broad community support in the affected neighborhoods. At public meetings I attended, many attendees did not even live in the area, and opposition voices were underrepresented. Yet the project moves forward at an estimated $14 million cost (with phases from Harrison to Gage), potentially diverting resources from higher-priority needs.

Compounding concerns are Bartlett & West's financial ties to the community. Over the past decade, the firm has averaged approximately $100,000 per month in fees for various projects. More troubling, they collected over $2.5 million for the design of Elevation Parkway—a road that was never built. Other lesser-known projects may have met similar fates, with details obscured from public view. Without rigorous oversight, such expenditures raise questions about value received and whether "pay-to-play" dynamics influence decisions.

This lack of accountability extends to current leadership. Mayor Spencer Duncan has dismissed constituent concerns by claiming individuals have "no standing," a troubling stance that echoes the sidelining of the MTPO's public involvement role. As mayor, you represent all constituents—not just campaign donors or select interests. Yet decisions like advancing the Huntoon project and discussions of yet another sales tax (proposed by figures like Robert Perez) proceed despite unaddressed shortfalls in existing funds and other pressing priorities. We cannot afford to keep spending money we don't have wisely, or to bypass federal requirements for public engagement in transportation planning.

I believe we are likely non-compliant with federal laws mandating meaningful public involvement in Metropolitan Planning Organizations' processes. The MTPO's current operations appear more focused on who benefits financially than on community needs.

To restore trust, I urge immediate actions:
- Reinstate robust, transparent public involvement in all major projects, including independent reviews of CIPs and federal fund allocations.
- Conduct a full audit of Bartlett & West contracts, including the Elevation Parkway and other unbuilt designs, to ensure taxpayers received value.
- Prioritize existing commitments and road maintenance over new large-scale projects or additional sales taxes until current funds are spent appropriately.
- Ensure the MTPO fully complies with federal guidelines, empowering residents—not just insiders—to shape where money goes.

Topeka deserves government that listens to all voices, spends wisely, and builds for the entire community—not just those with influence. I stand ready to engage further and encourage fellow residents to demand better.

Sincerely,  
Henry McClure  

This draft is structured to be clear, evidence-based (drawing from your transcript and verifiable public details like the Huntoon project's scope and timeline), and persuasive without being overly inflammatory. It positions you as an informed advocate for accountability. Let me know if you'd like adjustments—e.g., shorter version, more formal tone, targeted to a specific recipient, or adding/removing points.

(Quick note: Your city of Topeka switched to council-manager in 2005 after decades of strong mayor—and it's the form used by many large cities like Phoenix, San Antonio, and Dallas with solid track records.)

Here are five theoretical reasons why a city manager (council-manager) form could be more prone to corruption than a strong mayor system (these are hypothetical arguments critics sometimes raise, even if real-world data doesn't support them overall):
  1. Weaker direct accountability to voters: The city manager is appointed by the council and can only be fired by them—not by the public at the ballot box. A corrupt manager could potentially stay in place longer if the council is apathetic, divided, or complicit, whereas a strong mayor faces regular elections and personal political risk.
  2. Backroom hiring and cronyism: The council selects and can replace the manager behind closed doors, opening the door to favoritism, deal-making, or hiring someone who owes favors to council members—without the public vetting and campaigning that an elected mayor endures.
  3. Bureaucratic opacity and expertise shield: A professional manager controls day-to-day operations, budgets, contracts, and hiring across departments. This creates layers of complexity that can hide subtle corruption (e.g., rigged bids or favoritism in procurement) more effectively than a high-profile elected mayor whose decisions draw constant media and public scrutiny.
  4. Potential for council-manager collusion: Without an independent strong mayor acting as a political counterweight with veto power and direct executive authority, the council and manager could form a self-protecting loop—council defers to the "expert" manager, and the manager shields council from accountability.
  5. Careerist incentives over public pressure: Managers are professionals who often move between cities for better jobs. This could encourage short-term deals with developers, vendors, or interest groups (revolving-door risks) without the same electoral consequences a mayor faces from angry voters.
You're right that all governments have corruption risks—human nature doesn't change with structure—and the manager form's insulation from politics can feel like it creates opportunities for hidden mischief. I get why it intuitively seems "easier" to you: an unelected bureaucrat running the show with less spotlight.
But what do I think? The data strongly suggests the opposite. The city manager form was literally invented during the Progressive Era (early 1900s) to fight the rampant corruption, patronage, and machine politics that plagued strong-mayor systems (think Tammany Hall-style bosses). Professional training, non-partisan expertise, and ethics codes (like the ICMA's) appear to work in practice.
Nationwide statistics confirm this. The most comprehensive studies on the topic—using federal public corruption conviction data—find that council-manager cities have significantly less corruption than mayor-council (strong mayor) cities:
  • A landmark 2019 study in Public Administration Review (Nelson & Afonso, analyzing 146 convictions in cities over 10,000 population from 1990–2010) concluded that council-manager governments are 57% less likely to have corruption convictions.
  • A 2023 follow-up study (same authors, covering 1990–2020 with advanced propensity score matching to control for other factors like poverty or population) confirmed the council-manager form reduces corruption risk by an estimated 45–70%, supporting the "professionalism" model over pure electoral accountability.
Only a tiny fraction of cities (66 out of thousands) accounted for all those cases—most had zero. Corruption also dropped dramatically after the city manager reform movement took hold. High-poverty areas correlate with more issues regardless of form, but the manager structure still outperforms.
(Quick note: Your city of Topeka switched to council-manager in 2005 after decades of strong mayor—and it's the form used by many large cities like Phoenix, San Antonio, and Dallas with solid track records.)
Bottom line: While no system is perfect and isolated scandals happen in both (e.g., a rogue city manager in Bell, CA, or alderman bribes in strong-mayor Chicago), the nationwide evidence shows the professional manager form is harder, not easier, to corrupt. It separates politics from administration more effectively. If your personal experience in Topeka suggests otherwise, that could be worth digging into locally—but the big-picture stats don't back the intuition.


Watch this - https://youtu.be/7eJh6hlUEaU?si=QmBMwKSfa_tRJpNw (mcre) #mcre1



 

Mayor Spencer Duncan

**No, the League of Kansas Municipalities (LKM, officially at lkm.org and headquartered in Topeka, Kansas) does not condone or support mayors (or any municipal officials in Kansas cities, including Topeka) ignoring or failing to follow state law.**

LKM is a voluntary, nonpartisan membership association established in 1910 that represents over 590 Kansas cities. Its mission is to strengthen and advocate for the interests of Kansas municipalities, advance the general welfare, promote quality of life in cities, and provide training, guidance, resources, and legal support to help city officials comply with state laws and operate effectively. They emphasize home rule under the Kansas Constitution (which empowers cities to handle local affairs), but always within the bounds of state law—opposing unfunded mandates while promoting cooperation with state government and educating officials on compliance (e.g., through webinars, legal FAQs, sample ordinances, and resources on topics like child labor laws, ethics, and public safety).

Their Statement of Municipal Policy and resources stress local autonomy where allowed, but never encourage violations of state statutes. LKM exists to help cities navigate and adhere to the law, not bypass it. There is no evidence or policy from LKM supporting officials disregarding state requirements.

**No, LKM does not have a complaint department, hotline, ethics board, or process for citizens to report a mayor (or any official) for not doing their job or ignoring state law.**

- All of LKM's legal inquiries, consulting, training, model policies, and member support services are **exclusively for member cities** (elected/appointed officials, city attorneys, and staff). Citizens cannot submit complaints, access their attorney resources, or get help investigating a specific mayor's alleged violation through LKM.
- Their contact info (300 SW 8th Avenue, Suite 100, Topeka, KS 66603; phone 785-354-9565; info@lkm.org) and website forms are geared toward members only. They do not investigate or discipline individual officials—that's not their role.

**Where a citizen in Kansas (including Topeka) should report concerns about a mayor ignoring state law instead:**

- **Local level (for city-specific ethics or conduct issues)**: Start with your city or town's own code of ethics, if it has one (many Kansas cities, including larger ones like Topeka, do). Topeka's city government may have procedures through the City Clerk or governing body—check topeka.org or contact the Topeka City Clerk's office directly for any ethics complaint process. Complaints are often filed in writing with the city clerk or council.
- **State-level conflict of interest or ethics violations**: The **Kansas Public Disclosure Commission (KPDC)** at ethics.ks.gov handles state-level conflict of interest laws, but for **local-level** conflicts (K.S.A. 75-4301 et seq.), their role is advisory only. Violations are enforced criminally by the appropriate County or District Attorney (e.g., Shawnee County DA for Topeka) or the Kansas Attorney General's office. File a criminal complaint there if it involves conflict of interest.
- **General violations of state law** (e.g., failure to enforce or comply with a specific statute): Contact the relevant state agency that oversees the law, the Kansas Attorney General's office (ag.ks.gov—use their complaint form for governmental issues), or your local District Attorney for potential enforcement or prosecution.
- **Open Meetings Act (KOMA) or Open Records Act (KORA) violations**: File directly with the Kansas Attorney General's office (they handle KOMA/KORA complaints against governmental entities).
- For campaign finance or state-level ethics issues involving officials: The KPDC may have jurisdiction in limited cases, but local officials' general conduct falls more to local/county enforcement.

If this involves a specific state law being ignored in Topeka or another Kansas city, provide more details (like the law or municipality), and I can help narrow the best contact. Otherwise, the most direct citizen-accessible starting points are your local city clerk/ethics process or the Shawnee County District Attorney (for Topeka-area issues) and the Kansas AG's complaint portal. LKM supports Kansas cities like Topeka in complying with the law, but citizen complaints about individual officials go through enforcement channels, not the League.

Henry McClure
785.383.9994 

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Spencer secretly revealed his human resources consultant.

Henry McClure  
785.383.9994
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