Monday, August 10, 2026

Where in God’s Green Earth Was Go Topeka?

The Maverik deal on Fairlawn should have been a no-brainer.

A private company wanted to take a long-dead, blighted hole at the old Holidome site and put a real business on it. A convenience store and fueling station that would have generated sales tax every single day, real estate taxes for the city, and actual economic activity on land that had been sitting empty and rotting for years. It was the right project, in the right location, for the right reasons.

It would have helped Topeka. Not in some abstract “vision” way. In the concrete way that matters: money coming into the city’s coffers from people buying gas, food, and supplies. Property taxes from a developed site instead of a vacant eyesore. Private capital doing what private capital is supposed to do.

And where was Go Topeka?

Nowhere.

The organization whose entire existence is justified by attracting and supporting new businesses sat on its hands. They should have been down there fighting for it. They should have been the loudest voice in the room explaining why this project belonged in Topeka. They should have been pushing back against the noise, the special interests, and the neighborhood pressure that ultimately killed it. That’s literally their job.

Instead, the City Council buried it 9-1. Only David Banks had the courage to vote for it. Everyone else folded. And Go Topeka? Missing in action. Silent when it mattered. Absent when a sales-tax-generating project needed a champion.

This is not economic development. This is selective advocacy dressed up as economic development. When the right people don’t want something, Go Topeka disappears. When the project is convenient for the connected, they suddenly find their voice. The Maverik deal exposed the pattern in the clearest possible terms.

Their job is not to manage the feelings of the loudest special interests. Their job is not to let the mob rule. Their job is to bring businesses to this community that create real tax base and real activity. On Fairlawn, they failed that test completely.

This is exactly why their public funding needs to end. No more blank checks. No more institutional capture. Let every project stand on its own merit and come to the city and county on an arm’s-length basis. If a deal is good for taxpayers, it should win on the numbers and the facts — not on whether Go Topeka decides to show up that day.

And while we’re at it, every acre of land sitting in Go Topeka’s name needs to be transferred out of their control. Those assets belong to the public. They should not be held by an organization that has proven it will protect its own interests and relationships over the clear economic interest of the community.

The Maverik deal was the test. Go Topeka failed it. They weren’t there when a straightforward, tax-generating private project needed a champion. That failure is not a one-off. It is the logical result of how this organization has evolved — more concerned with managing influence than delivering results for the people who actually fund it.

Enough.






Watch the selective advocacy in action.

A data center is on the table in Shawnee County. The people who live closest to it — the farmers, the neighbors, the regular residents — have made their position clear. They don’t want it. They’ve looked at the water demands, the power load, the noise, the traffic, and the long-term impacts, and decided the trade-offs don’t add up for them. That’s a legitimate point of view.

Go Topeka is involved. They’re facilitating. They’re making introductions. They’re treating it like a priority project in the pipeline. Suddenly this is the kind of development that deserves their full attention and support.

Now go back to the Maverik deal on Fairlawn.

A private company wanted to take a blighted, long-vacant site and put a real business on it — a convenience store and fueling station that would generate sales tax, property tax, and actual economic activity. The kind of project that used to be the definition of economic development. The kind of project that creates ongoing revenue for the city instead of just construction jobs and press releases.

The City Council killed it 9-1. Only David Banks voted for it. And where was Go Topeka — the organization whose job is to chase sales-tax-generating private investment and remove obstacles for business? Nowhere. Silent. Or worse, quietly aligned with the interests that wanted the project dead because the wrong neighbors didn’t want trucks near them.

This is the pattern.

When a private company wants to create real sales tax on dead land, Go Topeka disappears. When a massive industrial facility shows up that half the surrounding community opposes, Go Topeka finds its voice and its energy.

Selective advocacy isn’t economic development. It’s something else. It’s the consistent prioritization of whatever serves the right people at the right time over any consistent principle, over the taxpayers, and over the people who actually live with the consequences.

I don’t have to love the data center to notice the inconsistency. I just have to watch the record.

The Maverik deal should have been the easy one. Sales tax. Blighted site. Private capital. Minimal public risk. Go Topeka should have been the loudest voice in the room fighting for it. Instead, they were missing in action while the only council member willing to stand alone was David Banks.

Now the data center gets the full treatment.

Same organization. Completely different level of enthusiasm. That’s not strategy. That’s selective advocacy. And it’s been the operating system for a while.

I can’t wait to see how they explain this one when people start connecting the dots. 



Broke states

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Henry McClure  
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Saturday, August 8, 2026

I'm a builder

Here is the widely known poem often titled “A Builder or a Wrecker” (or “The Wreckers”):

I watched them tearing a building down, A gang of men in a busy town. With a ho-heave-ho and a lusty yell, They swung a beam and a side wall fell.

I asked the foreman, “Are these men skilled, And the men you’d hire if you had to build?” He gave a laugh and said, “No, indeed! Just common labor is all I need.

I can easily wreck in a day or two What builders have taken a year to do.”

And I thought to myself as I went my way, Which of these roles have I tried to play? Am I a builder who works with care, Measuring life by the rule and square?

Am I shaping my deeds by a well-made plan, Patiently doing the best I can? Or am I a wrecker who walks the town, Content with the labor of tearing down?

(Some versions add this closing prayer: “O Lord, let my life and my labors be That which will build for eternity!”)

Note on authorship: It is frequently (and incorrectly) attributed to Edgar A. Guest. The poem was written by Charles Franklin Benvegar (also known as Carmelo Benvenga, 1913–1989) and first published in 1967 in The Songs of the Free State Bards. Slight wording variations appear across reprints, but the version above is the standard form. 

Deep dive on the authorship of the “Builder or a Wrecker” / “The Wreckers” poem

The common (incorrect) attribution

The poem is very frequently credited to Edgar A. Guest (1881–1959), the prolific “People’s Poet” who wrote thousands of accessible, moralistic verses for newspapers (especially the Detroit Free Press). Sites like Goodreads, various sermon illustration collections, YouTube readings, and motivational blogs routinely list him as the author.

This is almost certainly a misattribution that stuck because:

  • The style (simple rhyme, everyday observation turning into a moral question) closely matches Guest’s voice.
  • Guest wrote many poems about work, character, building vs. destruction, and everyday ethics.
  • Once a popular inspirational piece gets attached to a famous name online or in church bulletins, the error multiplies rapidly and becomes self-reinforcing.

No reliable bibliography, collected works, or contemporary source from Guest’s lifetime includes this poem. Guest died in 1959; the poem’s first documented publication is later.

The correct attribution

The poem was written by Carmelo Benvenga (1913–1989) of Baltimore, Maryland, writing under the pseudonym Charles Benvegar (sometimes rendered Charles Franklin Benvegar).

Key evidence:

  • It was first published in 1967 in the anthology The Songs of the Free State Bards, compiled by Vincent Godfrey Burns (Poet Laureate of Maryland) and printed by New World Books of Washington, D.C.
  • Multiple independent sources that carefully track the poem’s origin name Benvegar/Benvenga, including Bible.org and a detailed page on church-of-jesus-christ-facts.net.
  • The latter site states that the poem is reproduced with the explicit permission of Carl Benvenga, the author’s son. This is the strongest available confirmation of family ownership and correct credit.
  • The poem sometimes appears with a closing couplet (“O Lord let my life and my labors be / That which will build for eternity!”); other printings omit it. Slight wording variations (e.g., “a year” vs. “years,” “ho-heave-ho” vs. similar constructions) are common in oral/folk transmission of short inspirational verse.

Supporting context

  • Vincent Godfrey Burns was a real and somewhat colorful figure: Maryland’s official Poet Laureate (appointed for life in 1962), a former clergyman, and compiler of patriotic and regional verse. The 1967 anthology fits his known activities.
  • Benvenga/Benvegar was a local Maryland poet whose work appeared in that collection; the family confirmation (via the son) anchors the claim more firmly than most internet attributions.

Why the confusion persists

Inspirational poems of this type often circulate anonymously or get reassigned to better-known writers (Guest is a frequent “victim” of this). Once Guest’s name is attached in a widely copied sermon illustration or blog post, later users rarely check primary sources. The 1967 publication date post-dates Guest’s death, which is decisive.

Bottom line

The version you saw in the earlier note is accurate: the poem is not by Edgar A. Guest. It belongs to Charles Benvegar / Carmelo Benvenga (1913–1989), first published in 1967 in The Songs of the Free State Bards. The family permission noted by one of the more careful online sources adds weight to that credit. Slight textual variations exist across reprints, which is normal for this kind of short moral verse.

Voice

 Executive Summary: Metro Voice Newspaper Advertising Rate Card

Metro Voice is a locally owned, family-friendly newspaper serving the greater Topeka area with a focus on faith, family, and community. It distributes approximately 7,000 free copies monthly through roughly 500 locations (grocery stores, churches, schools, restaurants, coffeehouses, bookstores, convenience stores, Wal-Marts, Walgreens, and other retail outlets). Print editions appear the last Wednesday of each month, with additional digital reach via metrovoicenews.com, Facebook, Twitter/X, and an email newsletter.

Print Advertising (Full Color)

Rates decline significantly with longer commitments. Cost-per-thousand (CPM) is highlighted as among the lowest available, with a quarter-page ad under 3¢ per copy.

Ad SizeDimensions1 Month3 Months6 Months12 MonthsCPM
Business Card1.9" H × 3.8" W$96$67.20$57.60$48$6.48
Business Extra2.9" H × 3.8" W$144$100.80$86.40$72$9.72
Eighth Page3.8" H × 3.8" W$192$134.40$115.20$96$12.97
Sixth Page5.8" H × 3.8" W$288$201.60$172.80$144$19.46
Quarter Page7.8" H × 3.8" W$384$268.80$230.40$192$25.95
Third Page6.8" H × 5.8" W$504$352.80$302.40$252$34.05
Half Page (horizontal)4.9" H × 9.7" W$768$449$399$349$47.16
Half Page (vertical)10" H × 4.8" W$768$449$399$349$47.16
Full Page10" H × 9.7" W$1,536$649$599$549$74.19

Key print terms

  • Prepay discounts: 5% (3 months), 10% (6 months), 15% (12 months).
  • Ads may change size and content monthly; artwork can be supplied or designed by Metro Voice.
  • Deadline: Friday before the last Wednesday of the month (space-available exceptions possible).
  • Church Guide listing: $10/month for 7 lines (priority calendar placement).
  • Classifieds: $12 for 25 words + 25¢ per additional word (also posted online immediately).

Print + Digital Package (Best Value)

Combining print with digital adds clickable website, social media, and newsletter exposure. A business article is available with a 3-month commitment.

  • 250H × 300W pixel ad (with Business Extra or ⅛-page print): +$25/month.
  • 600H × 300W pixel ad (with ⅙- or ¼-page print): +$45/month.

KC-Area Digital-Only Rates

(25% discount when combined with a print ad; full website + social + ezine exposure)

SizeDimensions1 Month3 Months6 Months12 Months
Small rectangle300W × 100H$96$67$58$48
Medium rectangle300W × 250H$192$134$115$96
Large rectangle300W × 580H$384$269$230$192

Special-section opportunities (Retreat Guide, Back to School, Downtown Topeka, Staycation/Travel, Respect Life, Summer Camp/VBS, Adoption/Fostering, etc.) arise periodically and may carry custom pricing.

Contact

Office: 785-235-3340 Email: voice@cox.net Payments/correspondence: PO Box 5724, Topeka, KS 66605 Web: metrovoicenews.com | Facebook: TopekaMetroVoice

Metro Voice positions itself as a low-CPM, high-frequency local vehicle that combines print distribution with digital amplification while supporting a community-oriented publication.