Tuesday, April 21, 2026

Look at this

No, the core **Kansas statutes** governing **TIF** (K.S.A. 12-1770 et seq.) and the **Neighborhood Revitalization Program** (NRP, under the Kansas Neighborhood Revitalization Act, K.S.A. 12-17,114 et seq.) have **not been recently changed** in a way that alters whether they can be used together on the same project.

### Recent Legislative Activity
- In the **2026 session**, HB 2470 clarified that nothing in the NRP Act prohibits smaller municipalities (population under 10,000) from designating their **entire** municipality as a neighborhood revitalization area. This makes it easier for small towns to offer NRP rebates but does **not** address compatibility with TIF, exclusions for overlapping increment financing, or stacking rules.
- Other 2025–2026 tax and economic development bills focused on unrelated areas (e.g., corporate income tax reforms, single sales factor apportionment, reporting requirements for local governments, or TIF revenue replacement funds during specific fiscal years). None modified the interaction between TIF and NRP.

### No Statewide Prohibition or Mandate on Overlap
The ability (or inability) to combine TIF and NRP on one project remains governed by **local ordinances**, NRP plans, and TIF project plans adopted by individual cities or counties. These can include:
- Explicit permission (e.g., Topeka continues to state that properties in its Dynamic Core Redevelopment TIF District remain eligible for NRP rebates).
- Exclusions to prevent double-dipping on the same tax increment (still common in some counties/cities, as noted previously).

No statewide amendment has forced all localities to allow or prohibit the combination. Local rules and coordination with taxing entities (including school districts) continue to control practical implementation.

### Bottom Line
If your project is in a specific city or county, the rules are still determined by that jurisdiction’s current NRP plan and TIF ordinances. Practices haven’t shifted due to new state law.

For the most accurate answer for your location, contact the local economic development, planning, or community development department (or a Kansas municipal attorney). They can confirm the exact language in the latest adopted plans.

If you share the city/county or project details, I can help check for any very recent local updates.

Henry McClure
785.383.9994 

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Public comment

The Story of RHID in Topeka: A Tool Meant for Housing, Wrapped in Local Red Tape
At its heart, the Reinvestment Housing Incentive District (RHID) program is a straightforward state-created mechanism under Kansas law (K.S.A. 12-5241 et seq.). It lets cities and counties designate special districts where the incremental increase in property taxes — the extra revenue generated by new or renovated housing above a pre-project baseline — can be captured for up to 25 years. That money reimburses developers for eligible public infrastructure costs: streets, sewers, sidewalks, utilities, and related improvements. No new general taxes are raised; it's pay-as-you-grow financing using only the future growth the project itself creates. The statute requires a housing needs analysis, a redevelopment plan with a comprehensive feasibility study (often developer-supplied with data), public hearings, specific findings by the governing body, and approval by the Kansas Secretary of Commerce. That's the baseline.
Originally called the Rural Housing Incentive District, it targeted smaller communities facing housing shortages where private development struggled with high upfront infrastructure costs. In 2023, Governor Laura Kelly signed Senate Bill 17 (SB 17), effective July 1, 2023. This bipartisan law renamed it "Reinvestment" and expanded eligibility statewide, including to larger cities like Topeka (population ~125,000). The shift recognized that Kansas faced housing shortages everywhere — not just in rural areas — due to post-COVID economics, construction cost inflation, aging stock, and demand for missing-middle and infill housing. For bigger cities, some limits apply (e.g., unit caps per year/project and average size restrictions in certain cases), but the core tool became available for downtown revitalization, workforce housing, and equitable distribution across neighborhoods.
Topeka quickly began using the updated RHID. Yet instead of sticking to the statutory minimum, the city layered on its own stricter local policies through resolutions (e.g., earlier ones like 9379/9452 and updates in 2025 like Resolution 9695 and 9627). These include:
  • An explicit "but-for" test: Developers must prove the project would not proceed (or would not meet city housing goals) without the RHID incentive. This involves detailed financial gap analysis, pro formas, internal rate of return (IRR) modeling, and evidence submitted in applications.
  • Review by a city RHID committee, often involving outside experts.
  • Capitalization rate (cap rate) criteria (added July 2025): The city applies market-derived rates (e.g., ~7.5% for single-family, ~6.5% for multifamily) in modeling to assess project value and needed incentive. Staff can recommend higher cap rates for priority projects (downtown redevelopment, workforce/affordable units, equitable distribution, attached/missing-middle housing) — which can justify larger or longer incentives. The city also reserves some increment for public infrastructure and maintains flexibility to adjust the incentive amount or duration (up to 25 years, but often shorter).
  • A non-refundable application fee and potential additional costs borne by developers.
To handle the complex modeling, bond structuring (if used), compliance, and due diligence, Topeka contracts with Columbia Capital Management, specifically Jeff White as a key principal. Columbia serves as the city's longstanding municipal financial advisor for bonds, incentives, and related financings. This adds a professional layer — standard in many municipalities for risk management — but also consultant fees and another step in the process.
Why the Extra Layers? And How Does Topeka Compare?
Topeka frames these additions as prudent: RHID is treated as a need-based program to protect taxpayers, ensure incentives deliver actual new housing (not subsidize what the market would build anyway), align with the city's Housing Needs Analysis/Study (showing thousands of units short, with targets for affordable, workforce, senior, and downtown housing), and manage impacts on other taxing entities like schools and the county. The but-for test, cap rate adjustments, and flexibility are tools to "dial" support for high-priority projects while being conservative elsewhere. Resolution language emphasizes evidence for the but-for principle and public benefits.
Many other Kansas jurisdictions — especially smaller or rural ones handling projects via simple resolutions — stick closer to the statutory minimum. Developers submit feasibility data; the body reviews, makes required findings, and approves without a formalized local but-for policy or mandatory independent gap analysis. Examples include Gardner, Emporia, Hays, Columbus, Eldorado, Lansing (which emphasizes unit-size/rent/duration criteria), and various rural counties/towns for subdivision infrastructure. Larger or high-activity places like Overland Park, Derby, Ottawa, and some counties add but-for or similar guardrails.
No centralized statewide count or tracking exists for who uses what policy variation among Kansas's 105 counties and 627 cities. Comprehensive statistical correlation is impossible due to incomplete data and confounding factors.
Population and prosperity data (U.S. Census 2010–2024 estimates) show no clear link between adopting a strict local but-for test (or extra layers like cap rates/consultants) and better outcomes:
  • Fast-growing places like Overland Park (~173k in 2010 to ~203k) and Derby have but-for elements — but so does stagnant or declining Topeka (~127k to ~125k).
  • Gardner (lighter process) has boomed explosively as a Johnson County suburb.
  • Emporia, Hays, and others with minimal review show flat or modest trends.
  • Growth overwhelmingly tracks location: Johnson County/KC metro suburbs thrive due to jobs, proximity, and migration; non-metro areas often struggle regardless of RHID policy nuance. Broader drivers — employment centers, universities, economic trends — dominate over any single administrative choice.
In short, the but-for test and added layers (including Columbia Capital review and 7.5% cap rate baselines with adjustments) function as local governance preferences for accountability, not proven drivers of city-wide success. They add bureaucracy, costs, and delays that some argue discourage development in a city already short on housing supply.
The One Thing That Puts It All Together
Local choice is the thread that binds every piece of this story. State law gives cities wide discretion to implement RHID — from the minimal statutory path (feasibility study + findings) used successfully elsewhere in Kansas, to Topeka's more prescriptive but-for test, cap rate modeling, incentive tweaks, and consultant oversight. The 2023 expansion under Governor Kelly opened the door for urban reinvestment, yet Topeka chose to walk through it with extra guardrails framed as protection but functioning as hurdles.
This isn't defiance of state law; it's an exercise of local power on top of it. The result? A tool designed to unlock housing through incremental tax capture becomes slower, costlier, and more conditional in Topeka than in many peer communities — even as the underlying need (thousands of units short) remains urgent.
The conversation ultimately circles back to a simple question for Topeka's leaders: If other Kansas cities can trust the statute's framework to spur responsible development without the full suite of local overlays, why can't we? Stripping away the non-mandatory but-for test, rigid return modeling, and extra consultant mandates wouldn't eliminate oversight — it would refocus on the core feasibility study, public hearings, and statutory findings. It could accelerate housing delivery, reduce barriers for developers, lower indirect costs, and better match the "reinvestment" spirit of the updated law.
Whether viewed as prudent stewardship or unnecessary bureaucracy, the extra layers remain a policy decision the City Council can revisit and simplify. Residents pushing for change — through public comment, resolutions, or updated guidelines — can remind leaders that growth in Kansas has never hinged on one more analytical test. It hinges on making it easier to build homes where people want to live.


MCRE, LLC
3625 SW 29th Street
Topeka KS 66614
785.383.9994

Republican Leadership Loves Illegals-SB 254 Where are You?

Executive Summary: Charlotte O’Hara’s Memo on SB 254 and Republican Leadership’s Handling of Illegal Immigration Legislation

Charlotte O’Hara, a Republican candidate for Kansas Governor in 2026, criticizes Kansas Republican legislative leadership for failing to advance SB 254, a bill that would have prohibited the use of state tax dollars to provide services to illegal aliens. According to the memo, the legislation passed the regular session but was vetoed by Governor Laura Kelly. Senate President Ty Masterson and House Speaker Dan Hawkins then refused to bring the bill to the floor for a veto override, which O’Hara describes as “skullduggery and sabotage.”
She argues that this inaction protected Republican legislators who voted against the bill and shielded influential business interests, specifically naming the Kansas Chamber of Commerce and Koch Industries. O’Hara claims these groups favor illegal immigration for access to cheap labor, citing a 2011 Koch-sponsored luncheon where she walked out after hearing pro-illegal immigration arguments. She estimates the bill would have saved Kansas taxpayers approximately $600 million annually, based on testimony from Attorney General Kris Kobach.
O’Hara draws on her own legislative history to support her stance, recounting her involvement in the 2012 “Minibus Gang” effort to attach an E-Verify amendment to a bill. Despite initial success on the House floor, the amendment was stripped in conference committee. She notes that then-Speaker O’Neal later became CEO of the State Chamber of Commerce.
The memo lists specific Republicans who voted against SB 254:
  • Senators (10 out of 31 Republicans): Argabright, Billinger, Bowers, Clifford, Dietrich, Rose, Ryckman, Schmidt, Shallenburger, Starnes.
  • Representatives (10 out of 88 Republicans): Bohi, Borjon, Butler, Collins, Curtis, Esau, Roeser, Schreiber, C. Smith, Stiens.
O’Hara positions herself as the only gubernatorial candidate willing to strongly oppose illegal immigration and calls for support from voters who want change. The memo ends with a religious closing: “God Bless and Keep Your Eyes on Jesus.”
Key Themes: Accusations of insider protection of business interests over taxpayer savings, frustration with establishment Republican leadership, emphasis on rule of law and legal immigration reform, and a strong personal contrast with other candidates.


From: Charlotte O'Hara <charlotte@oharaforkansas.com>
Sent: Tuesday, April 21, 2026 6:00 AM
To: mcre13@gmail.com <mcre13@gmail.com>
Subject: SB 254, Where Are You?